Content
|
Page No.
|
Preface
|
Introductory Remarks by K.L. Tuteja
|
ix
|
Lala Lajpat Rai, the author of 'Young India: An
Interpretation and a History of the Nationalist Movement from Within' was
one of the prominent leaders of India's freedom struggle.
|
Preface to the Fourth Edition of Young India
|
xxvii
|
In the introduction to the first edition I have explained why,
when and under what circumstances, this book was written. The first
impression was exhausted in a few months and the publishers issued a second
one soon after Mrs Besant's Home Rule League, London branch, issued an
English edition with a foreword by Colonel Wedgwood who was then unknown to
me.
|
Foreword to the British Edition of Young India
|
xxxiii
|
Englishmen must make up their minds about India. The days when
we could lull our principles to sleep with vague talk about our beneficent
rule, about a people unfitted for government, about protecting the
non-military classes from violence and tyranny, are past.
|
Author's Introduction
|
1
|
During my travels in the world, the one point that has struck me
most forcibly and most painfully, is the lack of true knowledge about the
affairs of India among the 'civilised' nations of the globe.
|
I. THE GENERAL VIEWPOINT OF THE INDIAN NATIONALIST
|
55
|
Indian history rolls back to thousands of years before the
Christian era. Much of it is still enveloped in mystery. What little is known
has been discovered and put into shape within the last hundred years.
|
First Invasion of India
|
|
The first political and military invasion of India known to
history was that of Alexander the Great in 326 B.C. Alexander was no doubt
victorious up to a certain point, but he never conquered India, nor did he
occupy it.
|
Chandragupta and Asoka
|
|
Megasthenes' account of the Government of Chandragupta and of
the details of the administration under him is enough to fill every Indian
with pride.
|
India Practically Independent up to the Twelfth Century
|
|
It will be thus seen that India was practically independent up
to the beginning of the thirteenth century A.D. By independent, I mean that
no foreign rule had been imposed upon it from without.
|
Muslim Rule
|
|
The Mohammedan rule over India lasted for six centuries with
varying vicissitudes of fortune. For three centuries, from the thirteenth to
the beginning of the sixteenth century, it was practically confined to
northern India.
|
Muslim Rule in India not Foreign
|
|
Yet it is not right to say that the Muslim rule in India was a
'foreign rule'. The Muslim invaders were no doubt foreign in their origin
(just as the Normans and Danes were when they came to England), but as soon
as they had settled in India, they adopted the country, made it their home,
married and raised children there, and became the sons of the soil.
|
India under the British
|
|
India under the British is, however, entirely different. For the
first time in history she becomes a part of another empire.
|
Political Disqualification of Indians
|
|
For the first time in the political history of India it has
become a political disqualification to be an Indian. The offspring of an
Englishman, domiciled in India and married to an Indian woman, loses in rank
and status by that fact, nor does the issue of an Indian gentleman from an
Englishwoman gain anything thereby.
|
Indians may not Carry Arms
|
|
In India till recently, the Indians only were forbidden to carry
arms except by special permission of their master; and permission was, of
course, granted very sparingly and as a matter of favour, as a special
concession and not as a right.
|
Loyalty of Ruling Chiefs
|
|
It would be quite wrong to conclude, as some people do, that all
the ruling chiefs are sincerely loyal to the British supremacy, or that their
acts displaying loyalty are free and independent expressions of their minds
or their will.
|
Middle Class Desires Political Freedom
|
|
The desire for political independence, the sense of shame and
humiliation born of being a subject race, of being a political pariah, must
from the nature of things be confined largely to be educated middle class.
|
II. INDIA FROM 1757 To 1857
|
78
|
Aurangzeb, the 6th Mogul Emperor of India, died in 1707. Within
fifty years of his death, the Mogul sovereignty in India was reduced to its
last gasp. The seeds sown by his bigotry, fanaticism and suspicious nature
were ripening and bringing to his successors a harvest of dissensions and
discords, of rebellions and revolts.
|
Conflict of French and English in India
|
|
The political fate of India was hanging in the balance, when a
power arose to take advantage of the disturbed conditions of things. The
French and the English both entered the arena, taking different sides, and
began to shuffle their cards.
|
How British Rule in India was Established
|
|
Hindus were played off against the Mohammedans, and vice versa,
states and principalities against states and principalities, Jats against
Rajputs, and Rajputs against Jats, Maharattas against both, Rohillas against
Bundelas, and Bundelas against Pathans, and so on.
|
Methods of Consolidation of British India
|
|
Policies (fiscal, industrial, religious, educational) were all
discussed and formulated from one point of view, viz. the establishing of
British authority, the consolidation of British rule, and pecuniary gain to
the East India Company.
|
British Public Ignorant of Facts
|
|
It is true that the British people as a whole had no notion of
what was going on in India. They were as ignorant of it then, as they are
today of the doings of their countrymen in the vast 'continent'.
|
Conquest of India Diplomatic, not Military
|
|
The British conquest of India was not a military conquest in any
sense of the term. They could not conquer India except by playing on the
fears of some and the hope of others, and by seeking and getting the help of
Indians, both moral and material.
|
The Great Indian Mutiny of 1857
|
|
We have, however, referred to this story in these few words only
to introduce the great Indian mutiny of 1857, as the first Indian political
movement of the nineteenth century.
|
How the Mutiny was Put Down
|
|
Here again it was British 'diplomacy' that saved the British
situation. The British rallied to their support the newly born aristocracy of
the Punjab-the Sikhs. The Sikhs had been persecuted and oppressed by the
Mohammedans.
|
III. INDIA FROM 1857 TO 1905
|
90
|
|
PART I: FROM 1857 TO 1885
|
|
The mutiny was quelled. The ringleader among the mutineers were
killed, hanged or shot, and with them a lot of those who were innocent. Many
of the rank and files were pardoned,
as no government could shoot or hang all those who had taken part in the mutiny.
|
The Bengalee Babu
|
|
The only parts of the country which had received some education
on modern lines were the provinces of Bengal, Bombay and Madras. The number
of educated men even in these provinces was small.
|
Forces Resisting Denationalisation
|
|
1. English education imparted in schools and colleges
established by the British, and the Christian missions (in some instances
supplemented by Indian agencies), opened the gates of Western thought and
Western literature to the mass of educated Indians.
2. Some of the British teachers and professors who taught in the schools and
colleges consciously and unconsciously inspired their pupils with ideals of
freedom as well as nationalism.
|
Political Disappointments
|
|
The current produced by these causes met another current, which
was generated by political disappointments. The aspirations of the educated
Indian had met with a check. The few successes gained by Indians in the
Indian Civil Service examinations alarmed the British, and they sought for
means of keeping them out.
|
Lord Ripon
|
|
India was in a state of fermentation, religious, social and
political, when Lord Ripon was appointed to the viceroyalty of India. Lord
Ripon was an exceedingly kind man and commanded a broad outlook.
|
Lord Dufferin
|
|
However, the point of the story is that when Lord Ripon left
India, the country was in a state of perturbation. There was a great deal of
tension still Lingering between the Indian and the European communities. The
fire was still smouldering when Lord Dufferin took charge of the office of
Viceroyalty.
|
PART II: THE BIRTH OF THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
|
|
|
Indian National Congress an English Product
|
|
It is an undisputed historical fact that the idea of the Indian
National Congress was a product of Lord Dufferin's brain; that he suggested
it to Mr Hume, and that the latter undertook to work it out.
|
Hume, a Lover of Liberty
|
|
It is obvious that when Lord Dufferin expected a political
organisation to represent the best Indian opinion, it was far from his mind
to suggest an organisation that would demand parliamentary government for
India, or self-government on colonial lines.
|
Congress to Save British Empire from Danger
|
|
But one thing is clear, that the Congress was started more with
the object of saving the British Empire from danger than with that of winning
political liberty for India. The interests of the British Empire were primary
and those of India only secondary and no one say that the Congress has not
been true to that ideal.
|
The Congress Lacked Essentials of a National Movement
|
|
Ever since then the Congress has cared more for the opinion of
the Government and the officials than for truth or for the interests of the
country. Again the question arises, why? And the reply is, because the
leaders had neither sufficient political consciousness nor faith.
|
Hume's Political Movement
|
|
Now these were noble words, pointing out the only political
weapon that ever succeeds against autocratic governments. We are told by Mr
Hume's biographer that 'in pursuance of such a propaganda in India Mr Hume
set to work with his wonted energy, appealing for funds to all classes of the
Indian community, distributing tracts, leaflets and pamphlets, sending out
lectures and calling meetings both in large towns and in country districts.
|
Congress Overawed
|
|
Mr Hume started to explain in an apologetic tone. It was at this
time that he came out with the 'safety valve' theory. Mass propaganda was at
once abandoned, never to be resumed in the history of the movement (before
1920).
|
Congress Agitation in England
|
|
The Congress, overawed in 1888 and 1889, failed in both
respects. So far as the first is concerned, why, that has been a theme of
lamentation, appeals, and wailings from year to year. Friends in England,
whether in or outside the British Committee, have lamented it in oathetic
terms. The Congress agitation in England has never been effective.
|
Causes of Failure of the Congress
|
|
(1) The movement was neither inspired by the people nor devised
or planned by them. It was a movement not from within. No section of the
Indian people identified themselves with it so completely as to feel that
their existence as honourable men depended on its successful management.
|
PART III: THE BIRTH OF THE NEW NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
|
|
The national movement in India continues on its placid and
humdrum course until Lord Curzon's redicule of the movement convinced the
people that the political methods of the Congress were quite powerless to
bring them any relief against the despotism that trampled upon all their
rights and sensibilities.
|
Swadeshi and Swaraj
|
|
No sooner was the cry raised than the country was swept by a
wave of political activity which deeply and intimately influenced the
proceedings of the Congress in 1905 and 1906. Calcutta might have witnessed
in 1906 what Surat did in 1907, but for the sagacity and patriotism of
Dadabhai, who rose equal to the occasion and blessed the cry for
self-government.
|
Men Who Have Inspired the Movement
|
|
But look at the men who have inspired the movement, some of whom
are leading it even today. Is Aurobindo Ghosh a failure? Is Har Dayal a
failure? Were the nine deportees from Bengal failures? How many high-class
graduates have been hanged; how many are in jail!
|
Lord Curzon and Indian Education
|
|
We have already hinted that Lord Curzon's policy and his
utterances helped a great deal in the birth of the new movement. When Lord
Curzon came to India he formulated a rather ambitious programme of reforms to
be introduced into the administration of the country. One of these reforms
related to education.
|
Lord Curzon's Secret Educational Conference
|
|
The fact that Curzon admitted no Indian to the meeting of the
secret Educational Conference held at Simla, when he formulated the
government policy, strengthened that idea.
|
Indians and Lord Curzon at Cross-Purpose
|
|
Indians saw that they and Lord Curzon were at cross-purposes.
They aimed at self-government and freedom; Lord Curzon aimed at prolongation
of the period of their bondage and the permanence of the existing political
conditions.
|
The Congress Deputation to England in 1905
|
|
The leaders of the Indian National Congress saw all this; they
resisted Lord Curzon's policy rather boldly; they spoke with courage; they
sought his patronage and sent their president to wait on him.
|
The Congress of 1905
|
|
This was the first time that an Indian publicist had spoken in
that strain. The Swadeshi and boycott had already baan started in Bengal
during his absence from India. Even Mr Gokhale approved the boycott as a
political weapon.
|
Object of the Passive Resistance Movement
|
|
The object was two-fold; first, to destroy the hypnotism that
had caused the people and the country to have faith not only in the
omnipotence of their rulers, but also in their altruism.
|
IV. THE FIRST YEARS OF THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
|
137
|
|
Partition of Bengal
|
|
It was on 16 October 1905, that the old Province of Bengal was
partitioned by Lord Curzon. On that day 'immense numbers of people in the two
divisions of the partitioned province abstained from lighting their kitchen
fire, went about barefooted, performed ceremonial baths in rivers or scared
tanks, and tied on one another's wrist the sacred rakhi, a piece of silk or
cotton thread, as a symbol of fraternal or national unity.
|
Boycott of British Goods
|
|
The original idea was to resort to boycott as a temporary
measure, and, therefore, in the pledges drawn up in the early days, a time
limit was put in. The boycott was to last until 'the partition was
withdrawn.'
|
Government's Reply
|
|
In reply to this move on the part of the Bengalee leaders-a move
in which the entire Bengal was united, including the present moderates-the
Government started a crusade against the students whom the boycotters had
enlisted in their service.
|
The second Move of the Bengalees:
The National University
|
|
The Bengalee leaders then put their heads together and resolved
to start a National University, wherein education would be given independent
of government control.
|
Aurobindo Ghosh
|
|
To this movement, Indian nationalism owes the emerging into
prominence of a quiet, unostentatious, young Hindu, who was till then
comparatively obscure, holding his soul in patience and waiting for
opportunities to send currents of the greatest strength into the nation's
system.
|
The Nationalist Press
|
|
They started a number of papers in Bengalee and also in English,
in which they gave their ideas to the people. The Sandhya and the Bande
Mataram, as two of the newspapers were called, became their classrooms.
|
Military Measures against Boycitters
|
|
After consultation with Curzon, Fuller resolved to use force.
The first step taken was the despatch of a hundred Gurkha troops to Barisal,
followed by a demand for the withdrawal of a circular issued by the local
leaders advising the people of the legality of a peaceful boycott of British
goods.
|
Lord Minto
|
|
With the advent of Lord Minto in 1905, however, things began to
assume a different shape. The first serious difference in the nationalist
party occurred over the presidentship of the Indian National Congress at
Calcutta in 1906, but an actual split was avoided by a clever and diplomatic
move of the leaders of the new moderate party, who obtained the consent of Mr
Dadabhai Naoroji to accept the Presidentship, if offered to him.
|
Indian Press Gagged
|
|
The years 1905, 1906 and 1907 were years of passive resistance.
The nationalists indulged in strong language, carried on a vigorous
anti-British propaganda by means of the press and the platform, used their
pen and tongue rather freely, but did not think of using force.
|
Deportation of Lajpat Rai
|
|
The sudden deportation of Lajpat Rai, however, in May, 1907,
changed the whole current of thought and action. The nationalists concluded
that the movement for passive resistance required to be supported by secret
propaganda as well as the use of force against force.
|
Disaffection Driven Underground
|
|
These prosecutions and sentences exasperated the younger party
and drove disaffection underground. Undaunted by the loss of leaders, they
continued their propaganda and made several attempts on the lives of high officials.
|
Lord Hardinge Bombed
|
|
In December 1912, again the revolutionary party gave conclusive
evidence of their existence and strength. A bomb was thrown at Lord Hardinge,
the Viceroy, when he was passing in procession amidst thousands of troops and
hundreds of thousands of spectators, making his first state entry into the
new capital of British India, the Delhi of the Moguls.
|
V. TYPES OF NATIONALISTS
|
153
|
We will now see how many types of nationalists there are in
India. From what follows in the chapter, the reader should not conclude that
the Indian nationalists are disunited. So far as the goal is concerned there
is practically unanimity in all ranks.
|
The Extremists
|
|
(1) To take up the extremists first: There are some who do not
recognise the British Government at all. They think that the Government of
the British in India is founded on force and fraud.
|
A Few Nihilists
|
|
The men engaged in these dacoities are of two kinds: There are
those who have no moral or religious scruples. They are nihilists. But their
number is exceedingly small. They are not immoral people.
|
Religious Extremists
|
|
In every case, however, they believe that the British are the
enemies of their motherland and also of their religion. They would not touch
one hair of anyone simply because that person belonged to a religion
different from their; but they would not scruple to kill anyone who
interferes with their religion.
|
The Mother Worshippers
|
|
The so-called idolatry of Hinduism,' he says, 'is also passing
through a mighty transfiguration. The process started really with Bankim
Chandra, who interpreted the most popular of the Hindu goddesses as symbolic
of the different stages of national evolution.
|
Vedanists
|
|
Behind this mighty transfiguration of the old religious ideas
and symbols of the country stands, however, a new philosophy of life.
Strictly speaking, it is not a new philosophy either, but rather a somewhat
new application of the dominant philosophical speculations of the race.
|
Advocates of Organised Rebellion
|
|
Next in order came those who differed from the first insofar as
they did not believe in individual murders or dacoities. For traitors and
approvers even they had no mercy, but they would not murder individual
British officers or Indians in the service of the Government; nor would they
rob private persons.
|
Har Dayal
|
|
To this class, I believe, belonged Har Dayal. It is very
interesting to note the development of this man. He comes from a Kayastha
family of Delhi and received his education in a mission school and a mission
college under Christian influence.
|
Political Freedom, the First Condition of Life
|
|
According to them life in political bondage or in political
subjection is a negation of life. Life signifies power and capacity to grow
and progress. A slave, a bondsman, is not free to grow.
|
Aurobindo Ghosh-Vedantist and Swarajist
|
|
It is difficult to say to which of these classes, if to either
at all, Aurobindo Ghosh belonged or still belongs. At one time it was
believed that he belonged to the first class, to which most of the other
Bangalee extremists belonged, but whether that belief was right and whether
he still thinks on the same lines, it is difficult to say.
|
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar
|
|
At this stage we might mention the name of another nationalist,
who exercised a vast influence on young Indians in England for a number of years
and is now serving a life-term in the Andamans.
|
The Terrorists
|
|
The third class of nationalists consisted of those who would
like absolute independence but who did not believe that it was possible in
the near future. They approved of the occasional use of bomb and revolver for
terrorist purposes; especially at that time when no other method had been
left of carrying on propaganda of freedom.
|
Advocates of Constructive Nationalism
|
|
In the fourth class were comprised those who wanted
independence, but not at once. They would rather consolidate the nation,
raise its intellectual and moral tone, and increase its economic efficiency,
before they raised the standard of revolt.
|
Independence, but not at Once
|
|
They do not want the British to go until the people of India are
sufficiently strong to turn them out by force, and are able to protect
themselves and to maintain their independence and their liberties against the
outside world.
|
Preparing the Nation for Freedom
|
|
Nothing can be achieved without the help of the people. 'We must
have the people with us,' say they. 'And in order to win the people to our
side, we must show them conclusively that we have their interests at heart,
that we love them perhaps more than we love ourselves, that we are disinterested
and public-spirited and that we are in every respect better and more
honourable than the foreign rulers.
|
Preparatory Work from Below
|
|
The Congress failed, according to this school, because it tried
to get political concessions from above. The right policy is to work from
below. They do not believe in 'mendicancy' ,nor do they place any reliance in
'benevolence and philanthropy' in politics.
|
Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission
|
|
They are to be found in all sections of the great Indian nation,
in all religions, and in all communities. They simply live on simple fare, in
simple and scanty garments and in simple houses.
|
The Moderates
|
|
We now come to the moderates. There are some who would not
advocate the use of the bomb or the revolver, but who do not desire the total
disappearance of the extremist party; and the occasional use of the bomb and
the revolver gives a point to their organisation which they would not lose.
|
Gokhale
|
|
The noblest and the best of the Congress type from the
nationalist point of view was represented by Mr Gokhale, who loved his
country quite sincerely and lived and lived and worked for it.
|
Congress Leaders
|
|
A great many Congress leaders are true patriots that they cannot
even think of methods which might even remotely result in disturbances of
peace, in riots, and in disasters.
|
Passive Resisters
|
|
There are others who would go even farther and inaugurate a
campaign of passive resistance and boycott. The congress of 1914 thus claimed
as many types of nationalists as the extremists.
|
VI. INDIAN NATIONALISM AND THE WORLD FORCES
|
180
|
|
Inspiration through European Nationalism
|
|
There can be no doubt that Indian nationalism is receiving a
great deal of support from the world forces operating outside India. On the
political side it has been inspired and strengthened by the forces of
European nationalism-the struggles and successes of the English proletaraiat,
the sufferings and the eventual triumph of the French revolutionists, the
efforts and victories of the Italians, the continued struggle of Russians,
Poles, Finns, Hungarians and others.
|
History of Modern Europe Tabooed in Universities
|
|
The Indian Government is conscious of this, and some people
think this is what is influencing the policy of the Indian universities in
tabooing the history of modern Europe from the courses of studies.
|
Turco-Italian War
|
|
Turkey's war with Italy, followed by her struggle with the
Balkan states, has done wonders in nationalising the Indian Mohammedans. At
the present moment some of the Mohammedans perhaps feel even more intensely
than the Hindus.
|
Interpretation of India to Western World
|
|
Indian thought, Indian history and Indian culture are receiving
a great deal more attention now than they ever did before. There is hardly an
important contribution to the thought of the world which does not notice and
consider the Indian view of the matter under discussion.
|
Tagorism
|
|
While Rabindranath Tagore is to some degree losing in the
estimation and affection of his own countrymen by somewhat sacrificing
nationalism to art, he is gaining in world reputation.
|
VII. THE RELIGIOUS AND THE COMMUNAL ELEMENTS IN INDIAN
NATIONALISM
|
183
|
For a time the Mohammedan minority was the hope of the British
Government in India. As far back as 1888, Lord Dufferin and Sir Auckland
Colvin had successfully appealed to their fears, and won them over by
promises of preferential treatment.
|
Mohammedan Revulsion of Feeling against the British
|
|
The world events of the last four years (1912-16), have changed
the whole aspect of affairs in India. The events in Turkey, in Tripoli, in
Egypt and in Persia have affected the Mohammedans deeply and have brought
about revulsion of feeling against the British.
|
Disaffection among the Sikhs
|
|
But the Mohammedans were not the only people whom the Britishers
had succeeded in keeping aloof from the Hindu nationalists. The Sikhs had also
so far kept aloof.
|
VIII. THE FUTURE
|
187
|
It is both difficult and
risky to predict, especially concerning a country situated as India is
today. It is always the unexpected that happens in human affairs. This is
particularly true where human affairs are so complicated and complex as in
India.
|
Change in Indian Life and Depth of Nationalism
|
|
But this is only partially true of modern India. There is a
great deal of exaggeration about the immobility of Indian people. There may
be millions in India who are unaffected by modern conditions of life and
ideas as they were fifty years ago, but then there are millions who have
consciously awakened.
|
Nationalism Fertilised by Blood of Martyrs
|
|
No amount of repression or espionage can stop it. No amount of
official terrorism and no devices, invented or followed to inculcate loyalty,
can stop or check the flow of the new feeling of patriotism and nationalism
which is being constantly fed by the sentences of death and transportation
that the British courts are passing on beardless youths.
|
Wave of Indian Nationalism is on
|
|
Such is human psychology, and such is the psychology of nations
in the making. The Indian mind has entered on that phase.
|
Propitiation and Petty Concessions Futile
|
|
This is the supreme fact of Indian life which everyone who has
anything to do with India, official or non-official, statesman or layman,
politician or publicist, must recognise and face.
|
Internal Division no Valid Plea for continuance of British rule
|
|
India has and can produce enough to feed her own children, and
to spare, provided she were free to make her own laws, spend her own
revenues, and protect her industries.
|
Illiteracy: the Fault of the British and no Bar to
Self-Government
|
|
Again it is sometimes said that India cannot be self-ruling
because of its illiteracy. This argument does not come with good grace from
the Britishers because it is they who are responsible for the appalling
illiteracy of the Indian population.
|
Internal Troubles
|
|
As for internal troubles following the withdrawal of the British
or the grant of self-government, we ask, 'Is there any country on the face of
the earth which is free from internal troubles?
|
Unfitness of Orientals for Representative Institutions
|
|
As for the unfitness of Orientals for democratic institutions,
why, the ancient history of India refuses it conclusively. India was the home
of democratic institutions long before England and France had any notion of
what democracy implied.
|
Nationalism Has Come to Stay
|
|
Let England try and experiment by repealing the Arms Act and
giving a parliamentary government to India and see if there considerations
effectively stand in the way of progress.
|
Curzons, MacDonnels, Sydenhams Responsible for Bombs and
Revolver
|
|
These persons are directly responsible for the appearance of
bombs and revolvers in Indian political life. The young men who use them are
mere tools of cir-cumstances.
|
Appendix A (By the Author)
|
197
|
|
Extracts from Sir Henry Cotton's 'New India'
|
|
Feudatory Chiefs Powerless. It would perhaps be ungenerous to
probe too narrowly the dependent position and consequent involuntary action
of the feudatory chiefs. They are powerless to protect themselves.
|
Some Opinions about British India
|
|
Industrial Ruin of India. Gokhale. When we come to this question
of India's Industrial domination by England, we come to what may be described
as the most deplorable result of British rule in this country.
|
Appendix B (By K.L. Tuteja)
|
203
|
|
Foreword
|
|
Mr Lajpat Rai, the author of this book, is one of the most
widely known, most honoured and most influential public men in India. For
more than twenty years he has been a leading member of the bar in Lahore, the
capital city of the large province of the Punjab, and has long been prominent
in public affairs, both local and national.
|
The Problem of Nationalism in India
|
|
Mr Lajpat Rai Traces the History of a Movement, Definitely
Organized Ten Years Ago, Started as a Protest against British Rule
YOUNG INDIA: An Interpretation and a History of the Nationalist Movement from
Within
By Lajpat Rai, New York: D. W. Huebsch. $1.50
|
Bibliography (As given by the Author)
|
217
|
Books by Englishmen
New Spirit in India by H.W. Nevinson.
The Awakening in India by J. Ramsay MacDonald.
India: Impressions and Suggestions by J. Keir Hardie, M.P.
New India by Sir Henry Cotton (once an M.P.), late of the Indian Civil
Service.
|